Z+2009+AS+3.5+STUDENT+SITUATIONS

TOPICS & STUDENTS

Gold AV MB OT IM HD HP TB AP Pastoralism AV ON MB OT IM HD HP TB AP JP Maori Resistance AV IM HP Early Contact AV MB OT HD FH HP TB Development & Depression ON MB OT IM HD FH TB JP Womens Movements OT IM HD FH HP Settlement AP JP Sovereignty AP JP The use of war as a tool by the settler government PPE


 * Annotated exemplar **



// Content could include: // · The discovery of gold substantially and very quickly altered the course of New Zealand’s colonial history. The main period of extraction was 1861 to 1865 in Otago, but there were also sustained periods of extraction in Thames / Coromandel and on the West Coast of the South Island. · 194 000 settlers came to New Zealand in the 1860s, largely to find gold or to make money out of the huge support industry of publicans, theatre managers, store keepers, dancing girls, bankers, etc, which followed the miners. · Most migrants in this period were male, unmarried, and young, causing a huge gender imbalance on the goldfields. · The search for gold was a worldwide phenomenon. Many of New Zealand’s gold miners had mined in California, Victoria, and NSW. When they left New Zealand, they went on to Queensland, Western Australia, or South Africa. · The gold rush brought Chinese and non-British Europeans to New Zealand in large numbers for the first time. // Content could include: // alluvial · quartz · migration · sluicing · dredging · support industry · a ‘Man’s Country’ · atomisation. // Content could include: // · Different types of gold mining existed in different places and at different times. In Otago and on the West Coast of the South Island, the gold was extracted through the washing of alluvial gravels, silts, and sand with simple cradles and sluice boxes (individuals), then with hydraulic sluicing systems using water races, pipes, and hoses (groups), and then with massive dredges that worked whole river beds (companies). On the Hauraki fields, the method of extraction was to crush gold-bearing quartz. This was no place for the individual miner. Local and overseas investors quickly formed companies to harness the capital needed. · Major migration changes and a regional imbalance in the gender demographics. · A shift in political power through ‘Middle Island Ascendancy’. · Treatment of Chinese; laws discriminating against them. // Content could include: // · Historians argue about the importance of the gold rush to New Zealand’s immigration and population history. Some argue that their impact was relatively limited because they were very concentrated in terms of time and location. Most miners who came to New Zealand left again. Others, like Belich, disagree. They point out that right around the Pacific gold-mining rim there was a drop-off. A large group of gold miners and their support industry stayed in New Zealand. Their values and aspirations were very important in the shaping of New Zealand society. · Gold contributed significantly to the economic and political dominance of the South Island during the second half of the nineteenth century. · Otago’s gold also created a sense of optimism for New Zealand’s economic future at a time when major wars were being fought in the North Island. · Gold also provided an incentive for foreign investors to put money into Vogel’s Plan. · Most of the gold went overseas, mainly to mints in Melbourne, but, thanks to the support industry, much of the money that was paid for the gold stayed in New Zealand.
 * Issue 3: The gold industry within **** New Zealand **** ’s economy and society between 1861 and 1900 **
 * Description of the issue and its context **
 * Terms / concepts / ideas **
 * Changes / trends / patterns over time **
 * Ways in which the issue influenced people **

Describe developments in New Zealand’s pastoralism industry in the nineteenth century. Evaluate the economic and political influence that pastoralism had on New Zealanders during this time. · Pastoralism began in New Zealand before 1840, with many Māori, whalers, and missionaries raising animals on pasture for trade with people nearby, with visiting ships, and for their own consumption. · Most of the early Pākehā settlers also kept animals for their own use (meat, milk, butter, and cheese) or to raise a small amount of income through small-scale trade. · Wakefield had largely discounted the prospect of large sheep runs. His ideal settlement was a close-knit arable farming community, but the east of both the South and North Islands contained vast areas of native grassland, ideal for pastoral farming. · 1600 sheep were taken from Australia to Nelson by Charles Bidwill in 1843 and in 1844 Charles Clifford and Frederick Weld drove 350 sheep from Wellington to the Wairarapa via the coast. Others began taking sheep into Otago and Canterbury in significant numbers. · A drought in Australia in 1850 brought Australian sheep and graziers to New Zealand. By 1870, virtually all the open grassland of New Zealand was being used for large scale pastoralism. · One of the most significant factors that led to the pastoralism boom was that the land for sheep runs didn’t have to be bought outright. It could be leased from provincial government or Māori. This allowed most of the capital to be used to buy sheep. · Wool was the most significant export derived from pastoralism until refrigeration reached New Zealand in the early 1880s. This opened up the export of meat, cheese, and butter and made small-scale farming much more viable. · The first refrigerated ship to carry meat from New Zealand to Britain was the Dunedin. The success of this venture led to the establishing of freezing works throughout New Zealand. · Refrigeration allowed the North Island pastoralism to catch up with the South Island. This shift was also due to sheep disease and the overgrazing of sheep farms in the South. Dairy farms became common throughout the country and especially in Taranaki and Southland. · The Liberal Government in the 1890s assisted the breakup of the great estates in the South Island (most of the land was controlled by a small group of affluent run-holders) in order to put “the small man on the land”. They also passed legislation that led to the alienation of significant amounts of Māori land in the North Island (“the greatest estate of all”) in order to open up the North Island to the dairy industry. // Economic impact // · Wool was New Zealand’s largest export in the nineteenth century, and the wealth that it created encouraged overseas investment in New Zealand, but New Zealanders usually exported the wool without adding value to it. The New Zealand Historical Atlas shows that in 1881, only 18 percent of the wool that was exported was scoured and only 15 percent was washed. Wool didn’t create many jobs for New Zealanders. The work for shearers was seasonal. The wheat industry provided more work than the wool industry. · Refrigeration did lead to all-year-round employment in the meat and dairy industries. · Pastoralism and especially refrigeration led to the New Zealand economy being very closely tied with Britain’s (Belich refers to the “Protein Bridge”). // Political impact // · Pastoralism made Canterbury the most politically powerful province during the Provincial era. Some historians have referred to a “Southern Gentry” made up of run-holders and have shown how this small group of men dominated Canterbury and later national politics. · Political power shifted from the South Island to the North Island as refrigeration (and governments) opened up opportunities for farming in Taranaki and the Waikato and the North Island population increased, ending “middle island ascendancy”.
 * The candidate’s response to the first part of the essay question could include: **
 * The candidate’s response to the second part of the essay question could include: **

// Content could include: // After the Waikato War, the resistance to confiscation of land and Pākehā assertions of sovereignty was taken up by Māori spiritual and military leaders: · Te Ua Haumene was the founder and prophet of the Pai Mārire (Hauhau) Church. He claimed that he had had a revelation from God in which he was appointed to lead Māori to sovereignty over New Zealand. When some of his followers ambushed a government patrol in Taranaki, Te Ua was presented with the victims’ heads. This incident was followed by a major war between followers of Pai Mārire and kūpapa on Moutoa Island in the Whanganui River. Later, some followers of Pai Mārire killed a missionary, Carl Volkner, on the East Coast. Te Ua was essentially a religious leader but it was very difficult for him to contain his followers within the spiritual boundaries that he established. · Te Kooti was imprisoned on Wharekauri (Chatham Island), but escaped on the // Rifleman //. He hoped to gain support from the King Movement and other iwi for actions against the colonial government. He also wanted to spread his Ringatū faith. On arrival at Whareongaonga, he staged several ruthless attacks around the East Coast before suffering a major defeat up Ngā Tapa hill. He escaped, making it through the Ureweras and eventually into the King Country, where he met with leaders of Kingitanga. They rejected his appeals so he eventually established a base at Te Pōrere, where he was defeated. Te Kooti escaped again and was eventually pardoned. Te Kooti’s legacy is the Ringatü religion, which Rua Kenana followed in the early twentieth century. · Tïtokowaru – responded to the creeping confiscation of land in South Taranaki with a hit and run guerrilla campaign against Pākehā settlers. He conducted these raids from his base at Te Ngutu o te Manu (the beak of the bird). He also goaded the Armed Constabulary into attacking him on his own ground. He staged a remarkable victory at Te Ngutu o te Manu on September 7, 1868. This is the battle in which Von Tempsky was killed and McDonnell’s reputation shattered. Tïtokowaru went on to defeat McDonnell’s successor, Whitmore at Moturoa, but on the verge of an attack on Wanganui, his warriors deserted him, possibly because of an affair that Tïtokowaru may have been having with another chief’s wife. · Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kakahi responded to the confiscation of land in Taranaki by establishing a non-violent resistance community at Parihaka. His followers ploughed confiscated land as a statement of ownership but they were arrested and sent to jails in New Plymouth and Wellington. Eventually the jails were so full that the Government passed the 1879 Māori Prisoners’ Trial Act, which allowed for the holding of Māori prisoners in custody without trial. Many were shipped to Dunedin and worked on the Peninsula causeway project. In 1881, Parihaka was invaded by John Bryce and 5000 settler volunteers. Te Whiti and Tohu were captured and their settlement destroyed. // Content could include: // · confiscation · pan-tribalism · sovereignty · non-violent · kūpapa · syncretism · guerrilla tactics. // Content could include // : patterns of land loss · a shift by some Māori from tribal to pan-tribal allegiance · a shift from conventional military tactics in the Taranaki and Waikato Wars of the early 1860s to guerrilla tactics from · Te Kooti and Tītokowaru · a shift from violent resistance to non-violent resistance · a change from military action being taken by the British army in the Waikato to the reliance of the colonial government on kūpapa and settler troops – the Armed Constabulary. // Content could include: // · confiscation and dislocation · armed conflict · settlement · fear
 * Resistance to Pākehā and Government actions led by Māori prophet leaders such as Te Ua Haumene, Te Kooti Arikirangi, Tītokowaru, and Te Whiti o Rongomai between 1863 and 1881 **
 * Description of the issue and its context **
 * Terms / concepts / ideas **
 * Changes / trends / pat terns over time **
 * Ways in which the issue influenced people **

__ Early Contact AV MB OT HD FH HP TB __** **2006** The early contact period of 1800-1840 was a crucial period in the history of New Zealand where the Europeans met the Maori. Although the time frame is small, many changes and developments took place economically, spiritually and socially. These changes affected the lives and cultures of the native Maori of the land and heralded the forming of a new nations where different people worked together, although not without conflict, to establish the New Zealand that we know today.
 * Describe developments that took place in the relationship between Maori and Pakeha between 1800 and 1840. Evaluate the influence that contact with Pakeha had on Maori between 1800 and 1840.**
 * GRADE E**
 * __Essay Question No 1__**

The historical context of this early contact period is one where Europe meets Polynesia. Through the accounts of Tasman’s voyage in the early-mid 17th century, and Cook’s voyages over a century later, Maori had earned the title of noble savages through their intelligent but violent encounters with the European seamen. By 1800, however, New Zealand’s only port, Kororameka was already thriving on grog shops, supply shops, and brothels, which were set up to cater for the needs of the whalers, sealers and traders who were here to exploit New Zealand’s rich flora and fauna resources. The notorius behaviour of the drunken seamen attracted concern from the humanitarians in England for the welfare of the natives, and under the leadership of Reverend Samuel Marsden of the CMS, they travelled down to New Zealand to civilise then convert the noble savages.

New Zealand was ripe with sealers, whalers and traders, who’s needs for food, supplies and sex quickly saw the establishment of small businesses in New Zealand in the early 1800’s. Trade took place between the Maori and Pakeha as flax ropes, fresh vegetables, fresh meat, timber and women from the Maori were traded for iron utensils, blankets, and muskets from the Europeans. Earlier Historians such as Wright saw this as a sign of total impact, as the primitive Maori were overwhelmed by the superior European technology, however revisionist historians such as Claudia Orange sees it as more of a “workable accord”. Maori and Pakeha trade with each other for survival – Pakeha need the food and supplies, and Maori can utilise the technology. The fact that the timber industry was a joint venture, and that many Maori went on board whaling ships to work and learn English to use for trade for their tribes is also in support of this idea.

The arrival of the missionaries established a further connection with Maori and Pakeha. Missionaries came to “civilise and convert” Maori with the intention however they were soon also used as agents of trade either through traders or straight to Brittan. Due to the nature of their mission, they actively sought out contact with Maori and many were invited to stay with the Maori themselves. Ruatara of Nga Puhi welcomed Samuel Marsden and the Church Missionary Society upon their arrival in 1813. The Weslyans soon followed the Anglican CMS and arrived in 1823, while the Roman Catholics under the leadership of Bishop Pompallier arrived in 1828, creating rivalry between the denominations.

Another agent of contact between Maori and Pakeha during this period were escaped convicts, mostly from Australia. Australia was a penal colony at the time and those who were sent there faced life of endless, labourous work. Many saw the Tasman as a bridge to freedom as it was a way to start anew. They would come from Port Nicholson (in Sydney) over to New Zealand and were often the curse of lawlessness, adding to the chaos of Kororareka. Some became Pakeha Maori, who were white men that lived in Maori tribes as Maori and, as they spoke English, helped with business and trade between Maori and Europeans. They were crucial in overcoming the language barrier and although seen as the ‘pet Pakeha’ of chiefs, some managed to gain quite high status of mana. Barnett Burns, for example, was a Pakeha Maori who served as a go between for trade deals with the English for his tribe. He became highly respected and even married the daughter of a chief.

19th Century Aotearoa was an enclosed sanctuary uncontaminated by the illnesses of the world – until Pakeha made contact. The Pakeha brought diseases with them which was not previously known to Maori such as measles, whooping cough, and influenza, which had a deadly toll on their population. Veneral disease due to prostitution was also a problem, and no traditional Maori cure could work. Along with biological diseases, Europeans also brought with them muskets, which caused an even bigger death toll. In the period of 1820-1830, 60,000 out of 130,000 Maori died of Hongi Hika and Te Raupraha’s musket wars (and disease) according to some estimations. Although the decline in population seems to support the notion of fatal impact, on closer look, especially of the musket wars, it was more due to acculturation. Hongi Hika first launched the musket wars to seek utu on the death of his brother by an enemy tribe. He then went on terrorising other tribes in the North Island to flaunt the mana of his Nga Puhi, and did not conqure them. His campaign was for Mana, not land as his incentives were of a Maori nature, however he used Pakeha weapons to achieve it as it gave him more firepower than any traditional Maori weapon. Hence, this is in support of acculturation.

Maori lifestyle changed economically as both their market and market products were altered due to contact with Pakeha. Maori were traditionally an agricultural society based on kumara as their staple diet and mostly only cultivated enough food for their Hapu and Iwi. However the arrival of the Europeans introduced many new things to the menu including potatoes, beef and pork, and Maori began growing those to trade for other Pakeha goods such as iron utensils. Their domestic focus turned commercial as they also began to process flax commercially for ropes and baskets. Their market produce changed as there was a change in market demand, and although this apparent sign of fatal impact, the motives and nature of this change is fundamentally establishing a “workable accord” and points to acculturation. Maori changed Pakeha items to suit their own purposes such as creating traditional patus out of Pakeha iron, and carving with iron nails. They traded to gain European goods, a source of mana, and in this way they establish a relationship of inter-dependence.

The contact with missionaries resulted in the conversion of many Maori to Christianity as by 1840, over 50% of Maori had converted. This worked to change the Maori way of life as many attended church services and gained literacy. Other ‘barbaric’ traditions were also diminished such as tattooing and caniballism and although this seems to be fatal impact as Pakeha culture swallows Maori culture, again, the motives are Maori, hence it is in actual fact an example of acculturation. Maori converted to gain literacy, and agricultural skills, and trade-links with Paheka – all sources of the Maori value of mana. They eliminated some Maori traditions however held on to the fundamentals, and even modified Christianity, synthesising with Maori beliefs to create denominations such as Pui Marine and Papahurihia.

Contact with Pakeha between 1800-1840 were due to different reasons on both parts of the Maori and Pakeha. Developments were made through these agents of contact economically, spiritually and socially, and major changes resulted affecting the lives of Maori forever. However the changes which resulted, were not examples of fatal impact as they may initially seem, but are for the most part due to the development of “workable accord” which lined to acculturation. The Early Contact Period between 1800 and 1840 is an important part of this nation’s history because it marks the beginning of the relationship between Maori and Pakeha in New Zealand. These “developments” have been meticulously analysed by historians and they are divided between two camps: the Orthodox historians such as Harrison Wright support the idea of ‘Fatal Impact’ which falsely assumes that Pakeha contact with Maori caused the Maori culture to become confused and even destroyed it while revisionist historians such as Belich, Orange and King argue that between 1800 and 1840 the Maori were very much the initiators and decision makers for change using the “Acculturation” theory. The Maori adapted parts of European civilisation and culture that it suited them to have largely without compromising their cultural identity. I will examine in this essay the developments that took place between Maori and the sealers, whalers, traders, missionaries and official contact in this period and prove why the consequences were largely beneficial for the Maori.
 * GRADE E**
 * __Essay Question No 1__**

When studying this period of NZ history we must bear in mind the possible bias due to the lack of Maori sources. Most of the relevant primary sources for this period’s history are written documents by traders and missionaries. The Maori preferred oral traditional passed down the generations and did not become literate until the arrival of the missionaries in 1814. Indeed Ann Salmond notes that the impact of Pakeha on Maori “was uneven in different regions of NZ and in different sectors of Maori society.” King asserts that most Maori had not even seen a Pakeha by 1840. For these reasons, we must bear in mind the limitations of studying the period of early NZ history because of the lack of a Maori point of view.

Firstly, we must examine the developments in this period between the sealers and whalers. The sealers first arrived in 1792, induced by NZ’s natural resources which they would exploit and plunder for economic profit. Deep sea whaling had begun in 1791 and whales were frequently hunted for their oil and skins until 1830s when the depletion of this oceanic species no longer made whaling a viable economy. Although the influence of such sealers and whalers had a detrimental environmental effect, their influence allowed the world to be opened to the Maori.

The consequences of the relationship of the Maori and sealers and whalers was pursued by the Maori. Orange claims that the Maori and Pakeha developed a “workable accord ¼ the whalers wanted food and wives and this led to the lasting mixing of the races.” Indeed the Maori embraced these early settlers with open arms and these settlers became known as “Pakeha Maori” because they had to live with Maori on Maori terms. King reports that a “number of Maori joined whaling crews and spent several years at sea, travelling to Australia, to other parts of the Pacific and even to parts of North America.” King also claims that, “In the Bay of Islands, crops were grown specifically for trade with European ships; additional slaves were acquired by chiefs to provide labour and prostitution.” Therefore, using this evidence, we can conclude that such developments between Maori and Pakeha were largely beneficial because the Maori actively sought for interaction with the Pakeha. This supports the theory of acculturation which states that the Maori pursued activity with the Pakeha to enhance their own mana. The Pakeha certainly did not “encroach upon Maori society and civilisation” any orthodox historians might suggest.

The developments between Maori and traders were also significant during the period between 1800 and 1840. Tribes were often happy to have their “own” trader and lusted for material goods such as muskets, tobacco, European fabric and clothing. The acquisition of such materials was seen as enhancing the mana of the patron chief. As the Maori continued to be numerically dominant, traders (often Pakeha Maori) had to rely on Maori goodwill for protection, food and shelter. As a result many Pakeha Maori married Maori wives and participated in tribal warfare. A good example of a Pakeha Maori is Dicky Barret who supplied Maori with rum, clothes, tobacco, blankets and other European trade items from Sydney by way of his schooner, the __Adventure__. Chief Te Ati Awa pushed for Barret to set up a permanent trading post. Barret eventually married a Maori woman, Rawinia in a Christian service in 1814. King claims that, “the values and protocols developed in these communities remained largely Maori. Children of mixed descent were usually brought up as Maori.” Revisionist historians believe that the Maori were active seekers for change and believe that they selected aspects of European culture that it suited them to have. Ballara suggests that, “the new items that the Pakeha brought were not sufficient to disrupt the Maori lifestyle nor to destroy Maori systems of tikenga and intenga ¼ items were subtly altered to fit Maori styles of form and beauty.”

However, the impact of traders on the Maori was not entirely beneficial. One negative impact was the Musket Wars, a Maori arms race that lasted during the 1820s and 30s where a tenth of a population died within twenty years. Chiefs such as Hongi Hika and Te Rauparaha used muskets to avenge utu on neighbouring tribes for real or imagined causes. Indeed Hongi Hika had even traded his gifts from the King after his visit to England in 1820 to buy gun powder and muskets to arm his men. Te Rauparaha gained control of central NZ through the use of muskets as well. As Ron Crosby (an orthodox historian) points out, the Musket Wars had three important consequences for the Maori: the dislocation of certain tribes due to the acquisition of land by the victors (Ngati Koata was such a victim, the elimination or enslavement of some tribes (such as the Ngati Ira in Wellington where “the impact on mana was devastating”) and thirdly, the settlement of Europeans in unpopulated areas which led to later land ownership disputes. Crosby further declares that “without muskets, the Maori faced annihilation or slavery” and thus the Maori even sold their women as “items of trade”. Although the negative effects of the musket wars as a result of “developments” between the Maori and traders cannot be denied, it is however, true that the Maori actively pursued trade with the Pakeha to accomplish ‘utu’ against other tribes. Binney argues that by the 1830s “a balance of terror” had been reached and the Maori largely abandoned weaponry as a way to destroy other tribes.

One of the most intriguing ‘developments’ between 1800 and 1840 is the relationship of Maori and the missionaries who clearly had a significant impact on the Maori. The CMS (Christian Missionary Society) arrived to NZ first in 1814 with the desire to “actively change Maori culture and society.” Missionaries such as Marsden were concerned that these Maori “heathens” would wallow in sin by living in an unholy way in “Satan’s stronghold” that was NZ. Marsden had first promoted the “civilisation first” policy so that the Maori would first become ‘addicted’ to European technology and culture (such as agricultural techniques) so that they would be open to receiving the Christian message. The initial impact of the missionaries was limited and the first conversion did not take place until nine years after their first arrival in 1814. Henry Williams overturned the ‘civilisation first’ policy and made sure that all the mission’s preachers could speak in Maori. He pushed for the printing of the bible, the Prayer book and hymns and the rising literacy rate among the Maori resulted in greater conversions. Indeed Ballara claimed that, “literacy was an important vehicle which brought about change through the general dissemination of ideas and concepts.” Belich also argues that slaves were the main “agents of conversion” as many of them were educated in mission schools. In particular he draws attention to the release of thousands of slaves in 1828 after Hongi Hika’s death who “incorporated Christianity into their tribal culture.”

There is no doubt that the missionaries had a significant influence on the Maori between 1800 and 1840. Ballara suggests that, “ideas were more powerful than bullets and stronger than new style pa; ideas and concepts were the real harbingers of change.”

Wiremu Hau’s letter to Samuel Marsden dated 1837 reinforces this, in which the Maori chief wrote: “In our wickedness one Maori has had two wives but after he has listened to Christ he puts away one of them. Give us a law in this.” This evidence aptly demonstrates several consequences of the missionaries: firstly, the fact that some Maori abandoned traditional practices of polygamy, secondly that chiefs were “prepared to appeal beyond their own authority” (Ballara) and viewed missionaries such as Marsden as men of mana and thirdly, it demonstrates that the Maori had begun to use their new writing skills as a form of communication.

Some Maori went even further in their acceptance of Christianity and developed syncretic religions, described by King as a “specifically Maori pathway to God”. One such religion is Papahunhia which emerged in the Hokianga in 1833. Its followers identified themselves as the Lost Tribes of Israel and observed the Sabbath on a Saturday not a Sunday. Ballara asserts that, “the idea that the European god was more powerful than the Maori gods indicated not so much a cultural change as the inclusion of the European god into the Maori spiritual order. Therefore we can see that the relationship of Maori and Pakeha had important religious consequences for the Maori.

Finally, the developments in the relationship between the Maori and official British contact was also very important. Driven by humanitarian reasons to look after the Maori and to protect them from unsavoury behaviour such as alcoholism on the part of the Pakeha led to the appointment of Busby as the Resident in 1833. Busby sought to protect the Maori. An important consequences of this relationship was the Declaration of Independence 1835 which recognised that “all sovereign power and authority ¼ reside exclusively with the chiefs and heads of tribes in their collective capacity”. The British wished to protect the Maori and NZ from the influence of the French and Americans and agreed to play their role as the ‘paternal patron’ to this ‘infant state’. The Declaration of Independence would have serious consequences on the Treaty of Waitangi but this was Britain’s first real indication to formalise its relationship with the Maori and its desire to protect both Maori and Pakeha interests.

In conclusion, having examined the development of the relationships of the Maori and several different groups of Pakeha (the sealers, whalers, traders, missionaries and official contact) we can see that the consequences for the Maori were largely beneficial. In accordance with the theory of acculturation, there is no doubt that the Maori were the initiators and decision-makers for change and they embraced the Pakeha. The beneficial nature of the Early Contact Period is significant because of the influence it had on the Treaty of Waitangi and the development of race relations in New Zealand in the 19th century.


 * GRADE E**
 * __Essay Question No 1__**

In the period between 1800 and 1840, New Zealand saw significant developments in the interaction between Maori and Pakeha. Initially the interaction between Maori and Pakeha was based on the mutual desire to take economic advantage and took place through the agents of contacts such as sealers, whalers and traders. The exchange developed to include values and customs when Pakeha missionaries interacted with Maori with the intention of introducing Christianity. By 1840, the frequent interaction between the two races cumulated to the intervention from the British Crown in the form of the 1835 Declaration of Independence and the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. During this period, Maori domination and acculturation characterised the interaction between Maori and Pakeha as the adoption of European technology and Christianity took place largely through Maori agency. Contrary to orthodox historians’ beliefs that Pakeha influence on Maori had been ‘fatal’, Pakeha impact such as the introduction of muskets and European diseases only had a limited impact on Maori.

The interaction between Maori and Pakeha in the early nineteenth century took place in the form of Pakeha settlers arriving to exploit New Zealand’s resources. James Cook, a British explorer who circumnavigated the country in the late eighteenth century, reported positively about New Zealand’s commercial opportunities. This induced Pakeha sealers and whalers to arrive in New Zealand. The commercial agents such as whalers, sealers, and traders introduced Maori to European goods and technology including metals, clothing and firepowers. The interaction in this period is characterised by the ‘symbiotic relationship’ developing between Maori and Pakeha, King argues. Their interaction was based on commercial motives, for example Thomas McDonnell establishing his flax industry in Te Heinene and utilising Maori labour to carry out his industry. Shore whalers also relied on their Maori patrons for food and protection, while Maori gained access to European goods and technology through Pakeha.

The interaction between Maori and Pakeha developed with the arrival of missionaries from the mid 1810s. Claudia Orange notes that their interaction with Maori was different as their motive was to “actively change Maori values.” As a part of the wider Christian evangelism, Pakeha missionaries sought to find converts amongst the ‘heathen’ of Maori civilisation. The first mission station was set up in 1814 by Samuel Marsden of the Church Missionary Society under Ruatara’s patronage, followed by the Wesleyans in 1823 and the Catholics in 1838. The interaction during this period was different in that it involved the exchange of the ideas as well as the tangible goods, missionaries such as Thomas Kendell, George Clarke and John Kemp set up school to teach biblical stories to children and the slaves of Nga Puhi. Nevertheless, we saw the continuity of Maori domination during this period as the missionaries were reliant on their Maori patrons for supplies and protection. This meant that Maori still had access to trade items such as blankets, axes and muskets without adopting the Christian religion. Hongi Hika, the Nga Puhi leader for instance limited access of the missionaries and dismissed Christianity as ‘religion of slaves not warriors’.

In the 1830s, increased interaction between Maori and Pakeha cumulated to the British political intervention in the form of the 1835 Declaration of Independence and the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. The Declaration of Independence was a document that affirmed the mana of northern Maori chiefs and instated Britain as its ‘paternal’ protector state. Up to that time, the British had no intention of colonising New Zealand. However, with increased cases of violence involving Pakeha such as the Elizabeth Affair and the departure of private immigration ship Tory, it became a ‘fatal necessity’ to negotiate a treaty to colonise New Zealand, argues Peter Adams. The Colonial Office sent Governor Hobson to negotiate a treaty and under this treary ‘Kawanatanga’ was cededed from Maori in return for guarantee of rangaratanga and protection. This was an evolution in the interaction between Maori and Pakeha as previously the two races interacted mostly through Maori agency. The treaty marked a beginning of new relationship as Pakeha believed that sovereignty had been ceded ‘at a stroke of a pen’.

The influence of Pakeha on Maori varied according to regions and it is difficult to reach one conclusion about the Maori-Pakeha interaction in the early contact period, Ann Salmond argues. Orthodox historians, strong in their belief of ‘dying race’, have supported the ‘fatal impact’ theory where Maori were seen as the victims of European ‘colonisation’. For evidence they note the high rate of diseases. Indeed Pakeha introduced European diseases such as typhoid, tuberculosis and venereal diseases which spread rapidly among the ‘immunogically virgin’ population. However, the impact of the diseases varied according to regions and as Belich notes New Zealand’s geographic location acted as a ‘natural quarantine’ that prevent the introduction of most virulent diseases.

Orthodox historians have also put forward the Musket Wars as an example of ‘fatal’ impact. Indeed the introduction of musket intensified the scale of wars. However as Judith Binney argues, muskets were used alongside traditional weapons and the reasons for the war, such as utu, tikanga and land grievances, remained the same. As a result we saw continuity of Maori values and customs in perpetuating and competing for mana.

Indeed the way in which Maori adopted European technology demonstrates that the influence of Pakeha was more beneficial for Maori than it was harmful. Belich emphasises the selectivity of Maori in adopting European technology, as they used iron tools to produce traditional Maori carvings. They had also been actively initiating contact. Tribes such as Tuhoe and Ngati Maniapoto for instance moved to coastal regions to initiate contact and trade with Pakeha. Because Maori selected aspects of European technology and goods as through the process of acculturation, their traditional culture and customs remained intact throughout most of the Early Contact Period.

Pakeha influence on Maori was also positive as Maori adopted aspects of Christianity to suit their own purpose. The emergence of syncretic religion supports this as some Maori selected aspects of Christianity and incorporated into their own values. King argues that Maori “did not so much convert to Christianity as convert Christianity to their own purpose”. Indeed syncretic religion such as Papahunhia in Hokianga in the 1830s used Jews as a metaphor for Maori and adapted elements of Christianity to suit their traditional values. Furthermore, most conversion by 1840 took place largely through Maori agency, with the slaves of Nga Puhi playing an important role in creating a mass engagement with Maori, as has been noted by Belich. As a result we saw continuity of Maori values and customs despite their outward conformity to European values.

The interaction between Maori and Pakeha in the Early Contact Period developed in the context of commercial, missionary and political activities. Contrary to the orthodox beliefs, Pakeha brought more benefits to Maori as Maori agency was dominant in adopting European technology and Christianity. The continued Maori assertions of sovereignty past the Early Contact Period therefore can be traced back to Maori domination and acculturation which characterised the Early Contact Period.


 * GRADE E**
 * __Essay Question No 1__**

The early contact period between 1800 and 1840 is an important part of this nation’s history because it marks the beginning of the relationship between Maori and Pakeha in New Zealand. These “developments” have been meticulously analysed by historians and they are divided between two camps: the Orthodox historians such as Harrison Wright support the idea of ‘Fatal Impact’ which falsely assumes that Pakeha contact with Maori caused the Maori culture to become confused and even destroyed it while revisionist historians such as Belich, Orange and King argue that between 1800 and 1840 the Maori were very much the initiators and decision makers for change using the “Acculturation theory”. The Maori adopted parts of European civilisation and culture that it suited them to have largely without compromising their cultural identity. I will examine in this essay the developments that took place between Maori and the sealers, whalers, traders, missionaries and official contact in this period and prove why the consequences were largely beneficial for the Maori.

When studying this period of NZ history we must bear in mind the possible bias due to the lack of Maori sources. Most of the relevant primary sources for this period’s history are written documents by traders and missionaries. The Maori preferred oral traditional passed down the generations and did not become literate until the arrival of the missionaries in 1814. Indeed Ann Salmond notes that the impact of Pakeha on Maori “was uneven in different regions in NZ and in different sectors of Maori society.” King asserts that most Maori had not even seen a Pakeha by 1840. For these reasons, we must bear in mind the limitations of studying the period of early NZ history because of the lack of a Maori point of view.

Firstly, we must examine the developments in this period between the sealers and whalers. The sealers first arrived in 1792, induced by NZ’s natural resources which they would exploit and plunder for economic profit. Deep sea whaling had begun in 1791 and whales were frequently hunted for their oil and skins until 1830s when the depletion of this oceanic species no longer made whaling a viable economy. Although the influence of such sealers and whalers had a detrimental environmental effect, their influence allowed the world to be opened to the Maori.

The consequences of the relationship of the Maori and sealers and whalers was pursued by the Maori. Orange claims that the Maori and Pakeha developed a “workable accord ¼ the whalers wanted food and wives and this led to the lasting mixing of the races.” Indeed the Maori embraced these early settlers with open arms and these settlers became known as “Pakeha Maori” because they had to live with Maori on Maori terms. King reports that a “number of Maori joined whaling crews and spent several years at sea, travelling to Australia, to other parts of the Pacific and even to parts of North America.” King also claims that, “In the Bay of Islands, crops were grown specifically for trade with European ships; additional slaves were acquired by chiefs to provide labour and prostitution.” Therefore, using this evidence, we can conclude that such developments between Maori and Pakeha were largely beneficial because the Maori actively sought for interaction with the Pakeha. This supports the theory of acculturation which states that the Maori pursued activity with the Pakeha to enhance their own mana. The Pakeha certainly did not “encroach upon Maori society and civilisation” as orthodox historians might suggest.

The developments between Maori and traders were also significant during the period between 1800 and 1840. Tribes were often happy to have their “own” trader and lusted for material goods such as muskets, tobacco, European fabric and clothing. The acquisition of such materials was seen as enhancing the mana of the patron chief. As the Maori continued to be numerically dominant, traders (often Pakeha Maori) had to rely on Maori goodwill for protection, food and shelter. As a result many Pakeha-Maori married Maori wives and participated in tribal warfare. A good example of a Pakeha Maori is Dicky Barret who supplied Maori with rum, clothes, tobacco, blankets and other European trade items from Sydney by way of his schooner, the __Adventure__. Chief Te Ati Awa pushed for Barret to set up a permanent trading post. Barret eventually married a Maori woman, Rawinia in a Christian service in 1814. King claims that, “the values and protocols developed in these communities remained largely Maori children of mixed descent were usually brought up Maori.” Revisionist historians believe that the Maori were active seekers for change and believe that they selected aspects of European culture that it suited them to have. Ballara suggests that, “the new items that the Pakeha brought were not sufficient to disrupt the Maori lifestyle nor to destroy Maori systems of tikenga and intenga ¼ items were subtly altered to fit Maori styles of form and beauty.”

However, the impact of the traders on the Maori was not entirely beneficial. One negative impact was the Musket Wars, a Maori arms race that lasted during the 1820s and 30s where a tenth of a population died within twenty years. Chiefs such as Hongi Hika and Te Rauparaha used muskets to avenge utu on neighbouring tribes for real or imagined causes. Indeed Hongi Hika had even traded his gifts from the King after his visit to England in 1820 to buy gunpowder and muskets to arm his men. Te Rauparaha gained control of central NZ through the use of muskets as well. As Ron Crosby (an orthodox historian) points out, the Musket Wars had three important consequences for the Maori: the dislocation of certain tribes due to the acquisition of land by the victors (Ngati Koata was such a victim, the elimination or enslavement of some tribes (such as the Ngati Ira in Wellington where “the impact on mana was devastating”) and thirdly, the settlement of Europeans in unpopulated areas which led to later land ownership disputes. Crosby further declares that “without muskets, the Maori faced annihilation or slavery” and thus the Maori even sold their women as “items of trade”. Although the negative effects of the musket wars as a result of “developments” between Maori and traders cannot be denied, it is however, true that the Maori actively pursued trade with the Pakeha to accomplish ‘utu’ against other tribes. Binney argues that by the 1830s “a balance of terror” had been reached and the Maori largely abandoned weaponry as a way to destroy other tribes.

One of the most intriguing ‘developments’ between 1800 and 1840 is the relationship of Maori and the missionaries who clearly had a significant impact on the Maori. The CMS (Christian Missionary Society) arrived to NZ first in 1814 with the desire to “actively change Maori culture and society.” Missionaries such as Marsden were concerned that these Maori “heathens” would wallow in sin by living in an unholy way in “Satan’s stronghold” that was NZ. Marsden had first promoted the “civilisation first” policy so that the Maori would first become ‘addicted’ to European technology and culture such as agricultural techniques) so that they would be open to receiving the Christian message. The initial impact of the missionaries was limited and the first conversion did not take place until nine years after their first arrival in 1814. Henry Williams overturned the ‘civilisation first’ policy and made sure that all the mission’s preachers could speak in Maori. He pushed for the printing of the bible, the prayer book and hymns and the rising literacy rate among the Maori resulted in greater conversions. Indeed Ballara claimed that “literacy was an important vehicle which brought about change through the general dissemination of ideas and concepts.” Belich also argues that slaves were the main “agents of conversion” as many of them were educated in mission schools. In particular he draws attention to the release of the hundreds of slaves in 1828 after Hongi Hika’s death who “incorporated Christianity into their tribal culture.”

There is no doubt that the missionaries had a significant influence on the Maori between 1800 and 1840. Ballara suggests that, “ideas were more powerful than bullets and stronger than new style ideas and concepts were the real harbingers of change.”

Wiremu Hau’s letter to Samuel Marsden dated 1837 reinforces this, in which the Maori chief wrote: “In our wickedness one Maori has had two wives but after he has listened to Christ he puts away one of them. Give us a law in this.” This evidence aptly demonstrates several consequences of the missionaries: firstly, the fact that some Maori abandoned traditional practices of polygamy, secondly that chiefs were “prepared to appeal beyond their own authority” (Ballara) and viewed missionaries such as Marsden as men of mana and thirdly, it demonstrates that the Maori had begun to use their new writing skills as a form of communication.

Some Maori went even further in their acceptance of Christianity and developed syncretic religions, described by King as a “specifically Maori pathway to God.” One such religion is Papahunhia which emerged in the Hokianga in 1833. Its followers identified themselves as the lost tribes of Israel and observed the Sabbath on a Saturday not a Sunday. Ballara asserts that, “the idea that the European God was more powerful than the Maori gods indicated not so much a cultural change as the inclusion of the European god into the Maori spiritual order. Therefore we can see that the relationship of Maori and Pakeha had important religious consequences for the Maori.

Finally, the developments in the relationship between the Maori and official British contact was also very important. Driven by humanitarian reasons to look after the Maori and to protect them from unsavoury behaviour such as alcoholism on the part of the Pakeha led to the appointment of Busby as the Resident in 1833. Busby sought to protect the Maori. An important consequence of this relationship was the __Declaration of Independence 1835__ which recognised that “all sovereign power and authority ¼ reside exclusively with the chiefs and heads of tribes in their collective capacity”. The British wished to protect the Maori and NZ from the influence of the French and the Americans and agreed to play their role as the ‘paternal patron’ to this ‘infant state’. The __Declaration of Independence__ would have serious consequences on the __Treaty of Waitangi__ but this was Britain’s first real indication to formalise its relationship with the Maori and its desire to protect both Maori and Pakeha interests.

In conclusion, having examined the development of the relationships of the Maori and several different groups of Pakeha (the sealers, whalers, traders, missionaries and official contact) we can see that the consequences for the Maori were largely beneficial. In accordance with the theory of acculturation there is no doubt that the Maori were the initiators and decision-makers for change and they embraced the Pakeha. The beneficial nature of the Early Contact Period is significant because of the influence it had on the __Treaty of Waitangi__ and the development of race relations in New Zealand in the 19th century.

Describe the changes that occurred in the New Zealand economy in the 1880s that created the “Long Depression”. Evaluate the impact of these economic changes on New Zealand society and politics. · By the end of the 1870s, the bottom had fallen out of the international wool and wheat markets. Belich describes the 1880s depression as the “long stagnation”, a period in which the New Zealand economy was forced to adjust and find new goods and markets. · The overseas market for Kauri gum and timber was erratic, and the amount of gold production was decreasing. · Government credit had fuelled the economic growth of the 1870s. When this ended, the economy went into recession. High export prices had justified all the borrowing of the early 1870s, but by the end of the decade the politicians had lost their nerve. Vogel was replaced by Harry Atkinson as Treasurer. Atkinson believed that the pace of change had been too quick and that borrowing should be restricted. Government activity slowed down, but New Zealand was still burdened with a huge overseas debt that had been incurred in the 1870s. · Britain suffered from a state of depression from the mid-1870s. This had a major impact on New Zealand that was closely linked to Britain. The City Bank of Glasgow collapsed in 1878, and other banks followed. The collapse of the City Bank of Glasgow had a major impact on South Island land sales. This bank had lent money to many South Island farmers. · In the early 1880s, there was a sudden halt in private investment into New Zealand from Britain. Investors seemed to lose confidence in New Zealand’s “progress” (depression hit Canada and Australia too for similar reasons). · There was considerable regional variation in the effects of the depression. The South Island, which was more dependent on wool and gold, was hardest hit, and rural people suffered more negative consequences than those in urban areas. Urban manufacturing continued to grow but probably more slowly from the middle of the 1880s. · Some historians such as Gary Hawke have argued that if we accept the commonly accepted definition (a real decline in income), there wasn’t actually a depression in the 1880s. They provide evidence that prices fell as quickly as wages. Most historians emphasise the impact of the depression. This included bankruptcy, unemployment, out-migration, with more people leaving New Zealand than arriving, and an increase in sweated labour with male workers being replaced with cheaper labour (women and children). · The economic changes of the 1880s led to political instability and to a growth in class consciousness. Many settlers came to resent the misleading propaganda of New Zealand as a paradise for workers and investors. · The sweating scandals of the 1880s, which had been largely confined to Dunedin, had a big impact on national politics. Pākehā New Zealanders were shocked that these Old World evils had made their way to New Zealand. · This led to the election of the Liberal Government in 1890. (It actually took until 1891 for this unlikely alliance of left- and right-of-centre, rural and urban MPs to scratch together a government.) · The Liberals are supposedly New Zealand’s first political party; but, were the previous administrations really as “continuous” as the Liberals made out? The various ministries of the 1870s and 1880s had quite different policies. It has been argued that the phrase “continuous ministry” was coined by the Liberals when they were in power so that they could blame the non-Liberals for everything that had happened in the past. · The Liberals gained enough support to put through a legislative programme (the so-called “social laboratory”), which included old-age pensions, advances to settlers, new standards for working conditions, breaking up the “great estates” (both South Island Pākehā and North Island Māori) and industrial arbitration, but how radical were they really? Their sympathy for the underdog didn’t extend to Māori. Māori were denied the advances given to settlers and were only eligible to half the old-age pension. McKenzie’s land policies led to the huge amounts of Māori land loss in the North Island. · It has also been argued that the much-heralded “closer settlement” legislation of the Liberals might not have been as significant as McKenzie claimed. Private subdivision opened up much more land than state repurchase. The Government was offered much more land than it bought. This eagerness to sell was due to the fact that the estates were often heavily mortgaged and the depression had reduced the value of the land. The invention of refrigeration made smaller farms economically viable. · Important Liberal reforms that the candidate could refer to include: · Truck Act 1891, meant that truckies had to be paid in cash not in kind. · Department of Labour created to inspect factories and help people find work. · Factories Act 1894 restricted working hours for women and children, set holiday entitlements, and ensured the safety of the workers in the work place. · Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1894 provided a mechanism for the settlement of industrial disputes. · Land and Income Tax 1891. · Department of Agriculture developed to educate farmers 1892. · Lands for Settlement Act 1892 empowered the state to buy land for resettling small farmers. · Advances to Settlers Act 1894 – enabled Pākehā farmers to develop their land. · Large-scale Māori land purchases. · Old age pensions were set up by the Liberals in 1898. · Women were given full suffrage in 1893 under the Liberals (and despite its Premier’s stalling tactics). · Equal grounds for divorce for both men and women 1898. · James Carroll became the first Māori Native Minister 1899. · The Liberals fought and won a battle against the governor’s interference in national politics. Liberals were therefore seen as more democratic and more responsive to the people. · The Legislative council or Upper House was by and large an anachronism by this stage, and the Liberals reduced their powers even more.
 * 2007 situation **
 * The candidate’s response to the first part of essay question could include: **
 * The candidate’s response to the second part of essay question could include: **
 * Labour **
 * Land **
 * Social changes **
 * Political / economic **

**Create the structure of a 3.5 essay by discussing an aspect of the issue, followed by continuity and/or change and then influence on people.**
 * This is not an essay but it gives you a tool that you can use. **
 * __Situation :__ Problems associated with developing the New Zealand economy**
 * __Discussion of issue__:** The small-scale nature of New Zealand’s economy caused a number of problems throughout the nineteenth century.


 * __Discussion (cont.):__** In addition to this the economy was characterised by its regional nature, both in terms of size of economies and their success.


 * __Continuity:__** The small-scale, regional nature of New Zealand’s economy proved to be an ongoing problem throughout the nineteenth century. New Zealand’s lack of ability to ability to fund its own growth saw a continued reliance on British….


 * __Continuity (cont.):__** The regional nature of the economy was also present throughout the century.


 * __Change:__** Despite the fact that New Zealand’s economy was affected by its small-scale, regional nature some progress was made in changing this. The clearest example of the attack on regionalism and size was…


 * __Influence:__** The small-scale and isolated nature of New Zealand’s economy affected people socially as well as economically according to historian Miles Fairburn. He argues that…

** Womens Movements OT IM HD FH HP **
**GRADE E** The role of a woman arriving in New Zealand was that of a Colonial Helpmeet, with a large focus on domesticity and morality. However, as the 19th Century progressed, there was a trend towards greater political and legal rights for women and towards the formation of women’s groups and women speaking out for their rights. The ultimate change in women’s rights came in the way of Enfranchisement – a debate that was closely linked to the demand for Prohibition. These changes and patterns in a women’s rights led to the politicising of women, influenced the development and structure of New Zealand’s Women’s organisations and also further reinforced the different gender roles that New Zealand society ascribed to.
 * __Essay Question No 1__**

The role of a woman in frontier New Zealand was given the title “Colonial Helpmeet” by Raewyn Dalziel. Immigration manuals to New Zealand expected women to be of “good character” and prepared to cook, clean, wash clothes, raise and educate children, and possibly even help their husbands augment the family income. Women were also seen as “God’s Police”. As Edward Gibbon Wakefield said, “In respects of morals and manners it is of little importance what the colonial fathers are in comparison, with what the colonial mothers are.” Thus, women filled duel roles: as a homemaker, and “to drag the men up to heaven.”

Between 1850 and 1900, there was a trend towards further rights for women. As Judith Elphic Malone noted, women in early New Zealand were third-class citizens upon marriage: Women had no separate legal existence from their husbands, no control over their income or land, and no legal guardianship over their children. However, this gradually changed, beginning in 1870 with the Married Women’s Property Act. This gave married women control over her income and guardianship of her children in special circumstances – for instance, if her husband could be proved to be a drunkard. Women were given equal access to education in the 1877 Education Act, women ratepayers were given the vote in 1878, and divorce was made easier in 1898. Thus, throughout the latter half of the 19th Century, there was a trend towards more legal rights for women.

One very significant legal right women gained was the right to vote – achieved in 1893. The fight for the vote was tightly intertwined with the Prohibition movement. Women, as moral guardians and the rulers of the home, were encouraged to protect their families from the “Demon Drink”. The Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was established in 1885 to deal with alcohol’s impact on society. Alcohol was largely held responsible for poverty, domestic violence, desertions and prostitution. WCTU, aiming for “social purity” decided that in order to get Prohibition, women needed the vote; consequently, in 1886, the WCTU set up the Franchise Department, led by Kate Sheppard. Thus, with the rise of women’s rights in New Zealand came a pattern linking the Suffragettes to New Zealand’s prohibition movement.

The WCTU was also part of another important trend in the role of women: that of speaking out. During the 1860s, Mary Colclough and Mary Ann Miller began writing under the nom de plumes of “Polly Plum” and “Femina” respectively, calling for greater rights for women. For instance, Femina wrote “An appeal to the men of New Zealand.” This action – generally not considered not suitable for a woman – shows a trends towards a more outspoken role amongst New Zealand women.

The greatest influencing force in the changes to the role of New Zealand women was the vote. This politicised women and had varied effects on the country’s political landscape. Although 75% of all women enrolled to vote, and 85% of those enrolled actually voted, the female franchise did not have any obvious effects on the outcome of the 1893 elections. It was thought that women would be Conservative voters – yet the Liberal Party was voted back in. And it was supposed that women would vote in hordes in favour of Prohibition – but the liquor industry was not affected in either the 1893 nor the 1896 elections. However, the introduction of female voters was reflected in party policies. The Liberal Party began to focus on progressive issues, such as the Old Age pension, public healthcare and the welfare of children. Thus, the developments in women’s rights influenced New Zealand politics.

The vote also influenced women’s groups – particularly the WCTU. Once the vote had been achieved, the WCTU dissolved and formed the National Council of Women (NCW) with Kate Sheppard as President. This aimed to make further advancements in social equality for women, and had some success. In 1896, the NCW succeeded in getting the age of consent raised from 12 to 16, and also played a part by amending New Zealand’s divorce laws. Thus, the climate of change in New Zealand’s women’s rights influenced the development in women’s groups and further advancements in legislative equality.

However, it has been argued that the precise reason women succeeded in achieving the vote, and other such advancements because their role was not being threatened nor challenged. Stenson and Olssen in particular, emphasised the “Cult of Domesticity”. That is, women wanted legal change in order to extend their sphere of moral guardianship, and in fact their standards of housekeeping and motherhood increased. This can be reflected in the establishment of Plunket, which emphasises motherhood as a vocation. Thus, despite great changes in the rights of women, there were few changes in the role of women. Women continued as wives and mothers, and although they had the vote, women could still not stand for Parliament.

Throughout the 19th Century, huge developments were made, in the direction of political and legal rights for women. Women went from being “third-class citizens” to voting at the polls. However, these changes, if anything, polarised New Zealand’s gender roles even further – women did not move out of the home. Thus, the Female Franchise (the pinnacle of the changes in women’s rights) had more subtle influences – being reflected largely in the focus of politics rather than reorganising it. //** Describe the changes that took place in the rights and roles of women in nineteenth century New Zealand society between 1850 and 1900. Evaluate the influence of these changes on the lives of women by 1900. **// · There was a great variety of women’s experiences in nineteenth century New Zealand. These tended to be dependent on location, age, ethnicity, and class. · The most common role for nineteenth century Pākehā women was as a mother, wife, worker, and “colonial helpmeet”. Marriage opportunities were greater in New Zealand than in Britain because of the imbalance in the genders, but this imbalance and the isolated nature of the frontier society brought problems with it as well. These included loneliness, male alcoholism and violence, diseases, and problems with childbirth. · Marriage laws were discriminatory but improved slightly between 1850 and 1900. Deserted wives gained the “right” to their wages and property in 1860, and the 1884 Married Women’s Property Act gave them the right to the wages and property that they had brought into the marriage. · Until 1898, the Divorce Laws made it much easier for a man to divorce his wife than it was for a woman to divorce her husband. · The Contagious Diseases Act of 1869 legislated for the arrest, inspection for venereal disease, and incarceration of women suspected of being prostitutes. Their male clients were not inspected. · The Education Act of 1877 made schooling compulsory for boys and girls, but the curriculum prepared girls for the domestic sphere. · The “woman question” was the subject of articles and debates in the 1860s and 1870s. Mary Ann Muller (Femina), Mary Taylor, and Mary Colclough (Polly Plum) were key writers about women’s rights. In particular, they focused on the injustices of inequalities between women and men before the law and within the constitution. · 1850–1900 saw some challenging of women’s roles, eg some questioning of women’s subordinate position in marriage, arguing for schools for girls, establishing cycling clubs, women entering the paid workforce, women’s trade unions (Tailoresses Union), the emergence of the Rational Dress Movement. · Concerns over alcohol abuse advanced the programme for prohibition and temperance. · Women’s suffrage – finally won in 1893. Entry of women into political sphere. · Towards the end of the century, some women made it in the workplace despite the patriarchal society (eg Kate Edger, Elizabeth Yates, and Ethel Benjamin) but the majority of women were in a limited range of jobs, most of which were related to their accepted domestic roles. · Rutherford Waddell’s sermon, the Sweating Commission and the Liberal legislation (Factory Acts, Shop and Shop Assistants Act) that resulted helped women improve their working conditions. · Development of trade unions such as the Tailors and Tailoresses Union helped improve pay and working conditions for women. · Very few women had economic independence from men. · Women were appointed to sit on Charitable Aid Board. · Old Age Pensions (1898) were NOT determined by gender (but the amount was rather stingy and Māori received only about half what Pākehā got!) · There was still a double standard in attitudes to sex. · Success of female suffrage by 1900 – 78 percent of women registered for the 1893 election and 85 percent (90 000) of these voted. Only 70 percent of men on the roll voted. The Liberals were elected. · Female voting patterns don’t appear to have been much different to those of men, but male politicians did start to take note of issues concerning women and families. · Meri Mangakahia sought rights for Māori women through Kotahitanga; in 1895, Te Hauke enabled Māori women to discuss land matters / equal rights for women within Kotahitanga. · The franchise movement of the 1880s-90s led to wider debate on the comparative physical and intellectual capabilities of men and women and their social positions. · Although women won the right to vote in 1893, they were not able to stand as parliamentary candidates until 1919. · The National Council of Women was set up in 1896 to agitate for further improvements and a broadening of women’s rights. · Infant Life Protection Act (1896). · The Married Women’s Property Act improved the situation of women but was still well short of equality. · Divorce Act Reform (1898) gave equal access to divorce for men and women. · Factory Act (1896).
 * The candidate’s response to the first part of the essay question could include: **
 * The candidate’s response to the second part of the essay question could include: **

** ACKNOWLEDGEMENT:TIM FLACK AVONDALE COLLEGE ** ** The use of war by the settler government to assert substantive sovereignty over Maori ** In 1860, the settler government made the decision to use war as a means of attaining substantive government, through a swift and decisive victory to demonstrate British power. This decision was made because of a number of different factors, and the result of the struggle for sovereignty can also be seen when the consequences of the use of war are examined.
 * AS 3.5 **

In terms of Maori/Pakeha relations, the period past the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi to 1860 was characterised by a competition for sovereignty over New Zealand.

To Maori, the Treaty was perceived as granting the concepts of kawanatanga (governorship) to the Queen and rangitiratanga (sovereignty) over their land, but to the British, Maori sovereignty was given to the Queen and Maori were allowed only possession of their lands. So this period became a power struggle. The Pakeha asserted their power through the governor, and the Maori through war.

The Northern Wars of the 1840s had formed definite boundaries between the spheres of the Maori and Pakeha. There were some tensions following the conflicts, but the co-existence proceeded surprisingly well. Governor Thomas Gore Browne said in 1856 that “…they respect our laws and customs but do not consider the former to extend beyond the lands alienated to us”. Maori were initially keen to sell land in order to develop an economic interaction with the Pakeha. Things changed however in 1860 when a junior Te Atiawa chief sold land at Waitara, in Taranaki, against the wishes of the senior chief, Wiremu Kingi.

Land in the Waitara area was difficult to obtain. Settlers were frustrated by the inability of the New Zealand Company to purchase land in Taranaki and they say Waitara as wasted fertile land. Te Teira offered Gore Browne the Pekapeka Block, a slab of the contested Waitara land, at a hui. Te Teira was contesting Wiremu Kingi’s assumption of power following his settlement in 1848.

Kingi expressed his opposition to the offer but Gore Browne wanted to assert authority, viewing Kingi as an “interfering bully”.

Gore Browne deviated from Government policy and accepted Te Teira’s offer as proof of ownership, dealing only with those who wanted to sell. There were no influential chiefs among the sellers, and the land was communally owned. Correctly, Te Teira needed permission from others in the hapu to sell the block. Peter Adds says the Pekapeka Block is ‘hugely significant’ in the nations history. “…It’s the place where the New Zealand Wars started”, says Adds, “The dispute is whether (Te Atiawa man) Te Teira had the right to sell that land in the first place when Wiremu Kingi was the chief of the tribe”. Gore Browne knew this but accepted the offer anyway. The Governor wanted to both gain land and disempower the ‘troublemaker’ – exploiting the disagreement in the tribe. Gore Browne declared martial law in the event of any problems.

Problems had also arisen in the Waikato by this time. Donald MacLean, the Land Purchase Agent, had brought 32 million acres between 1846 and 1853.

Maori saw this purchase as a Pakeha threat to their sovereignty, and runanga (meetings) were held to discuss kotahitanga (self-government) and the land issue.

The assembled chiefs decided a King would protect the mana whenua of Maoridom with a pan-tribal King Movement establishing alternative Maori leadership as well as law and order. Of the 26 main North Island tribes, 18 showed some support for the Kingitanga.

MacLean told Wiremu Tamihana (the Kingmaker) that electing a King was disloyal. In reply Tamihana thrust a stick into the ground representing the King who would rule Maori land, a second representing the Governor who would rule over Pakeha land, and a third on top to represent the Queen uniting both under the protection of God.

Gore Browne felt British sovereignty challenged by the Kingitanga and he and other Pakeha saw it as a ‘land league’ to impede sales. A ‘show of strength’ was felt necessary to reassert control.

This show of strength was ending Te Atiawa’s obstruction of surveyors by sending troops to disperse the protests. Fighting began with an attack on Waireka pa. This conflict erupted into the Taranaki Wars as the Kingitanga moved to assist Te Atiawa, along with Ngati Ruanui of southern Taranaki. Gore Browne was now fighting two threats to the assertion of sovereignty simultaneously.

Military leaders were criticised by the settlers, who expected a quick victory. Both the settlers and soldiers did not acknowledge the superior tactics of the Maori, who shipped supplies from Auckland. British accounts of the war exaggerated Maori advantages to explain these setbacks. The British wanted fast success to consolidate the sovereignty of Gore Browne and the settler government. However the defensive Maori effort held and there were no full-scale battles, except perhaps the first at Waireka. The British had an initial advantage before suffering heavily at Puketakauere. The eventual stalemate reached led to British defeat and a Maori success, largely due to the King Movement’s intervention who were strengthened by the war.

Gore Browne was hoping at Taranaki that British authority would to be taken seriously, proving substantive rather than nominal control. A main cause of the following Waikato war could have been the failure of the Taranaki campaign to install sovereignty.

Belich (1986) endorses this theory and subsequently argues that there could be no more seizures of land, or attempts to make unsubstantiated claims of sovereignty beyond the boundaries of colonial control. With Kingitanga power strong after the war, Belich contends “Browne, and eventually his successor, George Grey, realised that the imposition of the type of sovereignty they and most of their compatriots considered inappropriate in a British colony demanded one essential prerequisite: the destruction of Kingite power by an invasion of the Waikato”.

The Imperial government knew that the Taranaki war was a loss for them and Gore Browne was sacked. George Grey became Governor for the second time, but he had to share power. Claudia Orange points out he fought a war on two fronts: a political front, to undermine the Kingite authority using peaceful means, with gifts as bribes, but he also planned for war.

Grey began preparations in 1862. The Imperial government opposed a Waikato invasion but Grey won support with a misinformation campaign. He argued the Kingites were planning to attack Auckland. The construction of the Great South Road – a military supply line from Auckland to the Waikato River – was a military front to defend Auckland. Grey’s reports to the Colonial Office exaggerated the threat the Kingites posed to Auckland and as a result the Imperial government committed British troops to New Zealand. The British mobilisation was about 14000 and the Maori was about 4000. At the peak of the conflict there were 18000 soldiers in Auckland.

On 11 July 1863 the war began as the British forces, led by General Cameron, crossed the Mangatawhiri Stream. Redoubts were constructed to protect supply lines. Gunboats designed in Australia especially for the invasion sailed up the Waikato River. A cannon retrieved from the wreck of the Orpheus in the Manukau was used to fire on the Pioneer at Meremere. The ball hit a cask of beef and the ship was unharmed. The pa was abandoned the next day, and Grey was disappointed with the escape.

The next engagement was on 20 November 1863 at Rangiriri, a narrow strip of land that would have to be passed in order for any further advances. In controversial circumstances the British claimed a Maori surrender as 183 prisoners were taken.

The fall of Rangiriri opened the way into the Waikato. The centre of the King Movement, Ngaruawahia, was abandoned and captured on 9 November. The Kingites continued to fight given Cameron’s unreasonable terms of surrender and fell back to the rich agricultural area of Rangiaowhia. However, kupapa Maori helped the Imperial troops outflank the defenses and on 21 February 1864 the British advanced to within a few hundred metres of the Paterangi pa, and from this vantage point Rangiaowhia was sacked and burned.

The famous battle at Orakau occurred between 31 March and 2 April 1864, when factions of Tuhoe, Ngati Ruakawa and other tribes persuaded Rewi Maniapoto into a defensive stand. Trapped without supplies, it ended with a hollow victory for the British. Even though it was a conclusive victory with up to 80 Maori charged down in the final assault, the Kingitanga was not wiped out. It was no strategic loss and a 4th line of defense could be defended if necessary.

Both the settler government and Cameron decided that advancing into the hill country would cost too many men and too much money. Cameron withdrew most of his forces to Auckland. The Kingites withdrew behind the aukati, the line between Maori and British territory.

With an indecisive close on the Waikato Wars, it now seemed that an attack on the Bay of Plenty, the source of supplies for the Waikato War, seemed now the best opportunity for a decisive blow to the King Movement.

Belich (1986) suggested the breadth of the Kingites was underestimated, and that the British found their opponents far tougher than they first thought. He pointed out that the leadership was co-ordinated, and Maori won a number of battles. A tactic was to build empty or sparsely manned purpose-built pa that the British still had difficulty gaining possession of.

Belich argues that the causes of the war were once again the attempt to impose substantive sovereignty over Maori, the desire for land, and total British authority.

Ward (1967) points out that it was Grey who made the decision to invade and that he was unwilling to accept a rival authority (King Movement) that may have threatened racial amalgamation. Belich believed that Wards critique of the ‘Land Wars’ theory – the factor of the widespread desire for the imposition of British administration, law, and civilisation on Maori – was very important.

2 weeks after the Waikato campaign ended, General Cameron decided to shift his focus to Tauranga. Camp Te Papa had been manned by troops since 1864 and Cameron thought that the decisive victory needed to finally establish sovereignty could be won there.

Ngai Te Rangi were the Maori tribe in the Tauranga region and were aggressive towards the British when they were trying to establish a harbour.

Ngai Te Rangi began building Gate Pa in April, which posed a threat to the British settlers at Te Papa. This was the excuse the British were looking for.

General Cameron was delighted as the good harbour at Tauranga would allow for transportation of troops and weapons and the King Movement and their allies could be wiped out. Cameron sent most of his Imperial troops to Tauranga, numbering about 1700. He also sent 2 gunboats and more artillery than had ever been used before in the New Zealand Wars. The soldiers were armed with 2 mortars, 2 howitzers, 2 naval cannon and 5 Armstrong guns. The Armstrong guns were a relatively new invention, having been invented in 1854. Ngai Te Rangi by comparison had about 200 armed warriors.

The attack on April 27 failed miserably. Around 100 British troops were killed. There were very few Maori casualties. After the Gate Pa defeat, Cameron withdrew most of his forces from Tauranga and all but abandoned any hope for victory. It was concluded that fully fortified pas were too dangerous to be attacked.

However on June 21 1864, Colonel Greer set out from Te Papa on a reconnaissance mission. They discovered Maori constructing an unfinished pa at Te Ranga. The opportunity for an attack was seized and around 100 Maori were killed. They had been surprised and the pa was far from completion. The victory at Te Papa was a complete victory and revenge for the humiliation of Gate Pa.

Historians have viewed the revenge at Te Ranga as the end of concerted resistance by the King Movement. European dominance was assured as the cumulative affects resulted in the destruction of the Maori society. Around 500 Kingites had been killed or wounded, and the Maori economy was strained, with food and ammunition nearing exhaustion.

Trade with Europeans had almost stopped – hundreds of trade canoes at Auckland were destroyed in retaliation when the wars began. Many Maori fled to Ngati Maniapoto land, but with the loss of the cultivated land at Rangiaowhia, food supplies were stretched. Maori were demoralised but the King Movement was still intact.

Colonists were demoralised as well. Sovereignty still looked a distant goal and colonists in the South Island were disgruntled with paying for the wars via tariffs on imported goods.

On July 24, Ngai Te Rangi came into the British camp and offered peace. Te Ranga had been devastating and further fighting was not an option. Gate Pa gave the Maori bargaining power and the British preferred to prevent any further battles. As a result of this liaison relatively little land was confiscated from Ngai Te Rangi.

Land confiscation had begun in 1863, with the passing of the New Zealand Settlement Act 1863. This was the law that confiscated land in the North Island. Maori referred to confiscated land as raupatu and it caused Maori communities economic and social dislocation.

The wars to this point were indecisive, so law was turned to, as it would affect all Maori and absorb them into Pakeha political systems. It would also serve to marginalise Maori economically. Land most suitable for farming was confiscated, which meant kupapa Maori were just as likely to lose land.

The reason land was confiscated was to both pay for the cost of the wars, and to open areas of the country for Pakeha settlement. It became the new Pakeha tactic of asserting sovereignty.

This confiscation started a new round of hostilities. The Waitara purchase of the Pekapeka Block had been renounced when Grey came to power for the 2nd time but Taranaki tribes felt threatened further by the cloudy future hanging over their land. A new religion, the Pai Marire, became associated with the unrest.

Pai Marire meant ‘the Good and the Peaceful’ and was founded by Te Ua Haumene in Taranaki. Combining many Maori, Christian and Te Ua’s personal beliefs it spread rapidly, and at its peak, Pai Marire converts consisted of 10000 out of a Maori population of roughly 50000. It seems likely that followers of the religion, acting against Te Ua’s wishes, began the battle started in Wanganui in January 1865.

Cameron resigned over the confrontation and General Trevor Chute replaced him. Maori agriculture and villages were destroyed and the force of 3000 British troops desolated South Taranaki. The Imperial government by now had lost confidence in Grey’s claims that sovereignty could be gained by defeating Maori resistance with war, and withdrew their troops from New Zealand. From that point, the Colonial Militia, a fighting force made up of the settlers in New Zealand fought instead. Most of the fighting was done with their Maori allies, the kupapa.

With this development the gentlemanly, chivalrous nature of the previous wars transposed into the guerrilla-like southern phase of the new Zealand Wars. Famous examples of generosity and respect such as Heni Te Kiri-karamu’s giving of water to a dying soldier at Gate Pa were forgotten as the wars entered more vicious times.

Between June 1865 and October 1866 there were further skirmishes relating to the growth of the Pai Marire. The efforts of the colonial militia and the kupapa were not always successful. Kupapa aims were not always the same as their British allies. Some were committed to British victory but some had mixed sympathies.

The new war methods were epitomised by the newer, faster breech-loading rifle and the widespread use of bush warfare. Maori resistance was weakened by the hard times of the King Movement. By mid 1868, the wars seemed over. However more fighting on the West Coast, championed by Titokowaru, broke out over raupatu.

Titokowaru was a spiritual leader from Ngati Ruanui in the Taranaki, who advocated peaceful protest in response to raupatu. He eventually came to the conclusion however that only violent measures would be successful.

Titokowaru’s forces numbered about 80 warriors, and colonial troops about 1000. To offset the uneven numbers Titokowaru’s forces travelled in small groups and ambushed British settlers, provoking the battle at Te Ngutu o Te Manu and the subsequent battle at Motoroa which were both miraculously won by Titokowaru.

These two defeats panicked the British and there were fears Wellington would be invaded. However these fears were not realised as Titikowaru’s supporters abandoned him in 1869 – he lost his mana by breaking tapu and sleeping with another chief’s wife. Southern Taranaki resistance fell away sharply from then on. At about the same time, on the other side of the North Island, another prophet was causing difficulties for the colonial militia on the East Coast.

Te Kooti was from the Rongowhakaata tribe of Poverty Bay and had fought as kupapa against the Pai Marire. Accused of spying, Te Kooti was deported to the Chatham Islands. It was after a religious enlightening there that he escaped, and sailed back to Poverty Bay with the prisoners who had become his followers.

The government began a long campaign against Te Kooti by sending forces to intercept the escapees, so Te Kooti responded by killing his enemies.

He began his own church, the Ringatu, which was one of the most detailed and influential of the new religions.

Faction of Ngati Kahungunu, Ngati Porou, Arawa, kupapa, and the colonial militiamen fought the war against Te Kooti; efforts to recapture him were countered, as he proved elusive. The government resources were already stretched fighting Titokowaru on the opposite coast. Te Kooti started a series of lightening raids on settler towns, and after quick movements to elude subsequent capture, Ringatu numbers eventually began to drop through exhaustion. Tuhoe, who often harboured Te Kooti, were also weakened by attacks. He eventually escaped to the King Country and was pardoned in 1883, after many skirmishes with the British from 1872.

After the phase of prophets and war, the Maori were effected badly by the effects of decades of warfare and resistance.

However, during the action of the last phases of the war, the Pakeha assertion of sovereignty by the undermining of Maori social structures was well under way. It had begun with the New Zealand Settlement Act 1863, which dealt with raupatu, and 3 other significant laws were also passed that helped to achieve the British goal of establishing sovereignty. When the first of the laws were passed the Maori still controlled most of the New Zealand, and using law was the European method of unbalancing that control.

The aspects of the New Zealand Wars relevant to the use of war by the settler government to assert substantive government over Maori had reached an end by February 1869. The British, if not achieving a full victory, definitely had the upper hand.

Maori death was an aspect of the British victory. Over 2000 warriors were killed in the wars. An unknown number of civilians were also killed or died of starvation. The Maori population was wielded a devastating blow.

Land Confiscation, or raupatu, was another. Land was taken from the Maori as a punishment for the rebels, whereby colonial soldiers were rewarded with land. The actions of the Native Land Court as well meant that the Crown or the settlers brought much of New Zealand. Maori suffered with difficult bureaucracy – many gave up and leased their land to Pakeha settlers. The land court sittings were also a breeding ground for diseases - Pool (1977) said an outbreak of measles in Wanganui that killed 40% of the children was accredited back to a land court session. Confidence in the Pakeha law, a tool of ascertaining sovereignty, dropped as it became increasingly distrusted.

The traditional Maori social structure was also deteriorating. The status of the chief, for example, was compromised as individuals carved up tribal lands as a breakdown of trust occurred in both hapu and iwi.

Some chiefs lives well, but on the whole Maori could only invest in low key economic enterprises, if any at all, and lived on a day-to-day basis.

There are number of conclusions that can be drawn from this argument on the use of war by the settler government.

Sovereignty began to be a contentious issue at the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi. The Northern Wars formed definite boundaries in terms of Maori and Pakeha living spheres. These spheres collided at Waitara as a land issue boiled over into a battle for substantive sovereignty through war. The Waikato campaign furthered an inconclusive reply to the initial aggression.

The development of this conflict at Tauranga led to land confiscation, that in turn provoked guerrilla warfare in another bid for control of Maori sovereignty.

The western and eastern sides of the North Island began to fight the settler government as the rise of the prophets spearheaded Maori concerns over raupatu. They were defeated eventually by the victory of the settler government through a number of important aspects, perhaps the most important being raupatu, or the confiscation of Maori lands. Overall, the decision of the settler government to assert substantive sovereignty through a swift and decisive victory, was, although corrupted by time, achieved – with concerns over land, and British political control probably being the most important factors. The result of the struggle for sovereignty can be seen when the consequences of the use of war are examined, and the Waikato war, where the British gained an important in-road and weakened a strong King Movement, would probably be the most important factor.